XV: The Struggle for Independence and the Birth of the State of Israel (1945 - 1948)

The fight against the restrictions of the White Paper, limiting immigration, and to bring the survivors "home" to Palestine eventually turned into the struggle for a Jewish State. The realization came to Palestinian and world Jewry, that the only way they could save the remnants of European Jewry was by creating an independent nation, able to respond to the needs of the Jewish People everywhere.

There were three Jewish military organizations - the Hagana being the largest, and the smaller Irgun and the Stern Group. The Hagana concentrated on the illegal immigration of refugees, while establishing contacts and smuggling in arms to Palestine. World Jewry, especially in the United States, was organized to help the illegal immigration and to purchase arms for the coming struggle for Jewish independence. At the same time, the Irgun and the Stern Group, attacked British installations and personnel, in an attempt to make continued British rule of Palestine impossible.

The British finally referred the whole Palestinian question to the United Nations, expecting that it would grant Britain a trusteeship over that territory and provide the funds necessary to pay for its administration. Instead, on November 29, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Palestine Partition Resolution by a vote of 33 in favor, 14 opposed and 10 abstentions. Palestine would be divided into separate Jewish and Arab states and Jerusalem would become an international city under UN supervision. This would become effective on May 15, 1948. At long last, the dream of a Jewish State was about to be realized.

The Jews accepted the plan but the Arabs totally rejected it. From that moment on until May 15th, an undeclared war took place between the Arabs and the Jews, with heavy casualties on both sides, in which the British remained "neutral" or sided with the Arabs. Jewish settlements were attacked by Arab irregular armies and terrorist attacks were carried out in populated Jewish areas. The continued existence of the Yishuv was threatened

On May 15th, the State of Israel was established and five national Arab regular armies invaded Palestine, with the declared purpose of driving the Jews into the sea. The official War for Jewish Independence was underway.

A Beggar In Jerusalem - by Elie Wiesel

Before the War of Independence - 1948

Meanwhile the enemy was openly preparing to attack. Former adversaries and ancient blood rivals concluded pacts and alliances, embraced before cameras, and placed their armies under joint command... China promised the moral support of its masses, Algeria pledged planes and experts, Kuwait an armored division. In Arab capitals delirious mobs seethed with excitement and acclaimed the future heroes of the holy war, the total war. Orators invited Jewish women to make themselves beautiful in order to welcome the conquerors, who had clear and simple orders: burn the cities, raze the kibbutzim, slaughter all combatants, and drown the people of hope in an ocean of blood and fire. Words? Yes, words. Words which evoke laughter and fear. Words which haunt the cemeteries of Europe.

"And the world would stand by and let it happen?""Why not? It wouldn't be the first time."

"And what about the United Nations?""Delegates will make speeches. as usual."

"And our friends?""They'll make speeches too. But they'll weep on our graves."

Objectives:

When we visit Israel after Poland, we will see a dynamic country, militarily strong and capable of defending itself. We will see Jews from every part of the world who have come to Israel under the Law of Return, which says that any Jew who wishes to come is welcome. This was not the case before the State of Israel was born.

1. You will begin to realize what it meant to World Jewry, especially those living in Palestine, that the dream of nearly two thousand years of a Jewish State would be realized.

2. You will better understand the courage, sacrifice and determination it took to defend the Yishuv in the pre-state period, especially in the final days of the British Mandate.

Reading # 1

Memories - by Gene Greenzweig

1947 and 1948 were exciting, wonderful years to be growing up as a Jewish teenager in the United States. Even though we were still suffering from the horror of the Shoah, we were exhilarated by the conviction that the dream of nearly two thousand years was about to be fulfilled. A Jewish State was about to be created and we would be the lucky ones to help make it happen..

I was born in the Bronx and was raised during the economic depression and World War II. By 1947, I was an active member of B'nai Akiva, a religious labor Zionist youth organization, affiliated with Hapoel Hamizrachi in Palestine. Every fibre of my being was dedicated to establishing a Jewish State based on the principles of Torah V'avodah (Judaism and socialism) and to rescue and to bringing the survivors of the Holocaust, now languishing in Displaced Persons Camps, to that state.

Jews all over the world were united as one. It did not matter whether you were a Zionist or a non-Zionist, an observant Jew or a secular one, a socialist or a capitalist, you knew that you had to do everything you could to save your brothers and sisters The only way to ensure that was by establishing an independent state, whose doors would be open to every Jew. The sad song which was sung throughout the war, "Wie Ahien Zol Ich Gehen" (Where Can I Go?) was about to be answered.

Throughout our history we learned, time and time again, the sad fact that we could not rely on the nations of the world to save us, for even after the war, just as during the war, the doors of these countries remained closed to these suffering Jews, who were still living in the old concentration camps, now called "DP" (Displaced Persons) camps.

Every effort was made to smuggle Jews past the British blockade of Palestine. Jews in America purchased old tramp steamers and refitted them for this hazardous mission. Members of the Haganah and volunteers, Jews and non-Jews from around the world, volunteered to man these old ships. Many were caught, some were rammed, but many made it to the safety of the Jewish community of Palestine.

Jewish teens participated in rallies and protest demonstrations as well as helped raise money for the cause. I remember going with my friends on subways with blue and white Jewish National Fund (JNF) boxes to raise money. We would stand in the middle of a subway car while it was in the station, make an emotional appeal to Jew and non-Jew alike to give, pass the boxes down the rows, and the response was warm and generous.

Who could forget that momentous Saturday night of November 29, 1947, when we learned that the United Nations had adopted the resolution, partitioning Palestine. On May 15, 1948, at long last, there would be a Jewish State. I remember singing and dancing in the streets, laughing and crying at the same time. It was wonderful to be alive and a Jew at this time. The prayer "Shehechiyanu" never meant more to me than that night.

Within days, however, the euphoria gave way to harsh reality. The Arabs rejected partition. Arab irregular armies invaded Palestine. Jewish settlements were attacked, accompanied by terrorist bombings in the cities. Jewish casualties began to climb. If partition was to work, the Jews of Palestine would have to fight and die to make it happen.

As the months passed, fear and doubt began to settle in. Jerusalem was under siege, with food and water in very short supply. Desperate convoys payed a heavy price to bring supplies in. I remember, on my first visit to Israel, traveling on the original road connecting Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, realizing how extremely dangerous, nearly impossible, this mission was (You will see for yourself when you are in Israel on the March).

For me, the whole desperate situation was focused on a kibbutz called Kfar Etzion. It was located between Hebron and Jerusalem, completed surrounded by Arab villages and towns. It was part of the movement I belonged to. It had been destroyed during the Arab riots in the late 1930's and resettled during the World War II. In January, 1948, the children and some of the mothers were evacuated to Jerusalem.

In the spring, 35 Hebrew University students volunteered to carry 60 pound loads to resupply the kibbutz. They were trapped on a hill, slaughtered and their bodies mutilated. It became known as "Netiv Ha'Lamed Heh" (Hill of the 35).

On May 14th, the eve of the establishment of Israel, the kibbutz was forced to surrender by the Transjordan Arab Legion and, and with the exception of four who were protected by the Legion, all the inhabitants were murdered by the Arab irregulars.

At long last May 15th came at last. That night, thousands gathered outside the Saint Nicholas Arena in Manhattan to sing and dance in the streets in celebration. Israel was no longer a dream. As Herzl had predicted, it was now a living reality. Little did we know what price was to be paid to protect that reality. More Jews, many survivors of the Holocaust, were to sacrifice their lives, but, Thank G-d, it was not in vain.

How does one generation pass on its memories and its legacy to future ones? To you going on the March, you have been raised in a world where Israel always existed, and perhaps, even taken for granted. You have no idea what it is like to be Jewish in a world without Israel. Ask the survivors and they can tell you, for there was no country that spoke up and fought for them, cared what happened to them or offered them refuge. The Jew was depicted as pitiable and helpless. Anti-Semitism was pervasive. All of that changed, and will forever remain changed, because of Israel.

No people has relied more on memory for its continuity than ours. It is the dream of those who started the March of the Living that the March experience will create that memory in you and that you will use it to create a more vibrant Jewish People and a better world for all mankind.

Reading #2

This is a chronology from the end of World War II to the birth of the state.

The Fight for Independence Israel 1945 - 1948 (1949)

OCTOBER 10, 1945 Jewish Resistance Movement, organized by Haganah with the help of Lehi and IZL, attacked the Atlit detention center, liberating 208 illegal immigrants.

NOVEMBER 1, 1945 The Jewish Resistance Movement attacks the railroad.

NOVEMBER 22, 1945 Berl Katznelson intercepted by British at sea. Most refugee ships intercepted after this.

JUNE 29, 1946 British arrest Jewish Agency Executive and thousands of suspected Palmach fighters, in retaliation for Jewish attacks on British facilities.(Black Saturday)

JULY 22, 1946 The IZL blows up the British central government offices in the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, killing 80 people. The Jewish Agency orders the Jewish Resistance Movement to stop armed attacks against the British. The IZL and Lehi refuse.

OCTOBER 15, 1946 In one night, after Yom Kippur, 11 new settlements are established in the Negev.

MARCH 1, 1947 IZL bombs British Officers' Club in Jerusalem.

NOVEMBER 29, 1947 United Nations votes to partition Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state.

FEBRUARY 2, 1948 Arab bombs Ben-Yehudah Street, in front of Atara Cafe.

MARCH 28, 1948 Palmach convoy of 47 men wiped out near Kabri in northern Palestine.

APRIL 9, 1948 Combined IZL and Lehi group attack Arab village of Deir Yasin, killing many innocent civilians.

APRIL 11, 1948 Safed is captured from the Arabs.

APRIL 14, 1948 Convoy of doctors and nurses is attacked by Arabs on way to Hadassah hospital on Mt. Scopus, with 78 Jews killed.

MAY 13, 1948 Ezion Bloc in the south is captured by the Jordanian Legion. Jaffa surrenders to the Jews.

MAY 14, 1948 THE STATE OF ISRAEL IS BORN. The combined forces of Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq attack.

Reading # 3

Some of the events of the day partition was approved by the UN General Assembly are related in this reading, including some eyewitness descriptions.

Excerpt from Pillar of Fire, by Yigal Lossin

On November 29, 1947, Jewish history hung in the balance. All aver the world -- in New York and Moscow, Buenos Aires and Teheran, Rome and Jerusalem -- Jews sat transfixed by the voices coming from their radios in that unforgettable broadcast from Flushing Meadows. The vote -- as long as the Exile, lasted only three minutes.

U.N. Assistant Secretary-Genera1: `Ethiopia?' -- 'Abstains.' `France?' -- 'Yes.' (Applause).

President, U.N. General Assembly: "I call the public and I hope that you will not have any interference of the voting in this debate. 1 am confident at the way you will behave in association with the decision taken by this Assembly, because l am decided not to allow anybody to interfere in our decision."

U.N. Assistant Secretary-General:"...'United Kingdom?' -- `Abstains.' `United States?' -- 'Yes.' 'Soviet Union?' -- `Yes.' `Venezuela?' -- 'Yes.' 'Yemen?' -- 'No.' 'Yugoslavia?' -- 'Abstains."'

President, U.N. General Assembly: "The resolution of the Ad Hoc Committee for Palestine was adopted by 33 votes. 13 against, 10 abstentions."

As the results were made public, the Jews of Palestine became ecstatic. They felt the privilege of experiencing what generations of Jews before them could only imagine in their dreams; that all Jewish history was directed towards this moment.

The same day, Jews gathered beneath the Arch of Titus, in Rome. This triumphal arch which had been built to honor the Caesar who had destroyed Jerusalem in 70 C.E., symbolized the beginnings of the Jewish question. They came to offer prayers of thanksgiving, and to say that the state which had fallen two thousand years ago has now been reborn. No longer are the Jews without a home. The wheel had come full circle.

Questions:

1. What was the General Assembly vote?

2. What happened in Rome on that day? Why do you think it was done?

Reading # 4

Thousands of refugees were housed by the British in camps on Cyprus. They had come by boat during the B'riha and were caught and interned. The following is an account of the "Illegals" reaction when they learned of the UN partition vote.

CYPRUS REFUGEES: The Resurrection of Israel, by Anny Latour

The good news of the United Nations vote reached as far as Cyprus, where thousands of deportees were huddled in the camps:

Nicosia, Sunday. Unprecedented joy and merrymaking broke loose in all refugee camps at Xylotimbu and Caraolos in the early hours of this morning when the news of the U.N. Decision became known to the 16,000 immigrants detained behind barbed wire.

Men, women, and children, to the last person, jumped from their beds, and in less than half an hour thousands of immigrants in their nightclothes were jumping, dancing, shouting, and crying with joy, waving flags and banners around huge bonfires.

The merriment continued without a break until dawn, and even now, late in the afternoon, the celebrations are still going on. Officials of the Jewish Agency and of the Jewish Distribution Committee on welfare duty in the camps were greeted with ovations by young and o1d, who shouted themselves hoarse and sang Hatikva, with tears streaming down their faces. It was the first happy day for the Cyprus refugees in many years.

Questions:

1. Can you understand why they reacted the way they did when they learned of the vote?

2. How would partition affect them?

Reading #5

The period between the approval of the partition plan and the actual declaration of the state was a bloody one. Jews were attacked not only in Palestine, but in almost every Arab city throughout the Middle East. This excerpt describes this period.

Exile and Return - by Martin Gilbert

Epilogue: The Coming of Jewish Statehood, 1947-48

For the Jews of Palestine, the news that they were to have a State, albeit a `mini' one, led to rejoicing in the streets. Among those who rejoiced was a young Palestinian born soldier, Moshe Dayan, who later recalled in his memoirs:

"I felt in my bones the victory of Judaism, which for two thousand years of exile from the Land of Israel had withstood persecutions, the Spanish Inquisition, pogroms, anti-Jewish decrees, restrictions, and the mass slaughter by the Nazis in our own generation, and had reached the fulfillment of its age-old yearning - the return to a free and independent Zion.

We were happy that night, and we danced, and our hearts went out to every nation whose U.N. representative had voted in favor of the resolution. We had heard them utter the magic word `yes' as we followed their voices over the airwaves from thousands of miles away. We danced - but we knew that ahead of us lay the battlefield."

Among those who were to die on that battlefield in the months ahead was Dayan's own younger brother, Zorik, for the Arabs, both inside Palestine and beyond it, turned violently against the United Nations decision. Even the `mini' Arab State which they were offered was of no interest to their leaders and propagandists: their hatred was towards Jewish statehood, and, from the moment of the United Nations vote, Arab terrorists and armed bands attacked Jewish men, women and children all over the country, killing eighty Jews in the twelve days following the vote, looting Jewish shops, and attacking Jewish civilian buses on all the highways.

For the Arabs outside Palestine, a similar wave of anti-Jewish hatred led to violence against Jews in almost every Arab city: in British ruled Aden, scene of a savage attack on Jewish life and property, eighty-two Jews were killed on December 9. In Beirut, Cairo, Alexandria and Aleppo Jewish houses were looted, and synagogues attacked. In Tripolitania more than 130 Jews were murdered by Arab mobs.

There followed, in Palestine, five and a half months of terrorism and violence. `Jews will take all measures to protect themselves,' the Jewish National Council declared on December 3, and the Jewish instinct for moderation was a strong one. On December 13 the Jewish Agency, representing a majority of Palestinian Jewry, denounced the mounting tide of Irgun reprisals, calling them `spectacular acts to gratify popular feeling'. Nevertheless, as the Arab attacks rose in viciousness during the first four months of 1948, as Jewish Jerusalem was besieged and its water supply cut off, the battles and the reprisals gained a cruel momentum: the death of 250 Arabs in the village of Deir Yassin on April 9, and of seventy-seven Jewish doctors and nurses four days later, while on their way to the Hadassah hospital on Mount Scopus, were but the most widely publicized episodes in a series of attacks and counter-attacks, random killings and military operations, which claimed several thousand lives on both sides.

The British announced that they would withdraw from Palestine altogether on May 15. During the six weeks before they did so, the Arabs did everything in their power to break communication between the Jewish settlements, to prevent Jews from reaching Jerusalem, and to disrupt all Jewish life within the city itself. Many of the Arabs involved in these military acts, and in the sniping and killing of Jewish civilians, were regular soldiers from outside Palestine, from Syria, and even from Iraq. It was these Iraqi troops who had cut off Jerusalem's water supply.

During April and early May, every isolated Jewish village was subjected to a massive attack: on April 13 four hundred Arab troops attacked Kfar Etzion, just south of Bethlehem. Beaten off, they attacked again on May 12, when a hundred Jews were killed, and only four survived. Fifteen Jews captured at Kfar Etzion were machine-gunned to death after they had surrendered, while being photographed by their captors.

Despite the Arab attacks, the Jews were determined not to be driven out of their promised `mini' State. In the full scale battles that developed during April between the Arab and Jewish armed forces, Tiberias, Haifa, Acre, Safed and Jaffa were occupied by Jewish forces between April 19 and May 14, while in Jerusalem, Arab troops were driven from several suburbs. Between November 1947 and May 1948, more than 4,000 Jewish soldiers and 2,000 Jewish civilians had been killed, nearly one per cent of the total Jewish population.

As May 15, the day of the British withdrawal, drew near, the Jewish situation, despite the capture of the main towns, was still precarious; especially as four well armed Arab armies, those of Egypt, Transjordan, Syria and Lebanon were massing on the southern, western and northern borders, preparing to invade at the very moment of the British withdrawal. At the last moment, the British advanced the withdrawal date, by twenty-four hours, to May 14. On May 12, the Chief of Operations of the Haganah, Yigael Yadin...told Ben Gurion and the other Jewish political leaders: `The regular forces of the neighboring countries, with their equipment and their armaments, enjoy superiority at this time.' `However,' Yadin added, `the future of the Jews in Palestine cannot be merely a military consideration of arms against arms and units against units, since we do not have those arms and that armored force. The problem is to what extent our men will be able to overcome enemy forces by virtue of their fighting spirit, of our planning and our tactics.'

For the first time since the defeat of Bar Kokhba by the Roman forces more than 1800 years before, the Jews were preparing to defend their sovereign rights. On the morning of May 14 the last British High Commissioner left Jerusalem. Britain's thirty year rule was at an end. That same afternoon, in Tel Aviv, Ben Gurion declared the independence of the Jewish State, to be called `the State of Israel'.

One of those who was present during the independence ceremony was Golda Meyerson, who later recalled how, when Ben Gurion spoke the words `the State of Israel':

"My eyes filled with tears and my hands shook. We had done it. We had brought the Jewish state into existence - and I, Golda Mabovitch Meyerson, had lived to see the day. Whatever price any of us would have to pay for it, we had recreated the Jewish national home.

The long exile was over. From this day on, we would no longer live on sufferance in the land of our forefathers. Now we were a nation like other nations, masters - for the first time in twenty centuries - of our own destiny. The dream had come true - too late to save those who had perished in the Holocaust, but not too late for the generations to come."

The coming into existence of the State of Israel was opposed by every Arab State, and in the war that followed, the Jews - Israelis now - suffered considerable losses. But their State survived, forming a small but viable entity on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. More than 550,000 Palestinian Arabs fled from the area which became Israel; more than two-thirds of them fled to other areas of Palestine - the West Bank and the Gaza Strip - which had been allocated under the United Nations Partition Plan to Arab sovereignty, areas which were at once occupied by Transjordan and Egypt respectively.

For Jews, not only in Israel, but throughout the Diaspora, the establishment of their State was the culmination of centuries of longing, of decades of struggle, and of five years of horror. Since the end of the war in 1945 non-Zionists as well as Zionists, had been forced to ask themselves: if we had a State in 1939, how many Jews might we have saved from the Holocaust?

Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, whenever antisemitism threatened Jews in the Diaspora, they had somewhere to which they could turn. Henceforth, to uproot themselves ceased to be either so difficult or so uncertain. Between 1948 and 1952, more than half a million Jews from Arab lands as far apart as Morocco and the Yemen, flocked to Israel, and rebuilt their lives without the stigma of second-class citizenship. It was not always easy; but the challenge of being one's own master was one which drew forth great reserves of energy and courage. Similar problems were faced and similar courage was shown by more than 120,000 Jews who, in the decade after 1967, reached Israel from the Soviet Union.

Jews such as those from Arab lands or from the Soviet Union did not necessarily turn to Palestine because they were Zionists whose basic creed was a Jewish homeland in the land of the Patriarchs, but because they were Jews whom some corner of the world had rejected, persecuted, humiliated yet again, and whom Israel had welcomed.

On 19 May 1948, five days after the establishment of the State of Israel, its first Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion, spoke of how Jewish statehood had been achieved, and of how it should be maintained. `We know', he declared, `that not by the grace of nations was our freedom won, not upon their bounty will its continuance depend.' The Jewish community in Palestine had been built `with our own flesh and blood: so too we build, so too we shall guard the State'; and he continued:

"Never have we lost faith in the conscience of mankind. Always we shall demand of the world what is justly ours. But morning and evening, day in and day out, we must remind ourselves that our existence, our freedom and our future are in our own hands. Our own exertions, our own capacity, our own will, they are the key."

Questions:

1. What does Moshe Dayan mean when he says "the victory of Judaism?"

2. What is the proof that things might have been different had there been an Israel during the Holocaust?

3. What are the similarities and differences between fighting in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising and the War for Independence?

Reading # 6

In the interim period between the UN resolution and the actual establishment of the state, a series of terrorist attacks were conducted in the Jewish areas of Palestine, especially in Jerusalem. The following are descriptions of some of these tragic attacks.

Excerpt from Pillar of Fire, by Yigal Lossin

Jerusalem was divided; there were roadblocks throughout the city and every passer-by was searched. Despite this, however, the Arabs did succeed in penetrating Jewish neighborhoods.

On February 1, 1948, The Palestine Post building was destroyed by a devastating explosion. A police car driven by British deserters, wearing police uniforms, was involved in the attack on the English-language Zionist newspaper. Three weeks later, Jewish Jerusalem was again shaken; this time, by an even worse catastrophe. Three booby-trapped cars, which British deserters had parked on Ben-Yehuda Street, exploded and brought down three tall buildings. The area looked as though it had been bombed from the air or hit by an earthquake. Rescue squads pulled more than fifty bodies out of the rubble.

Ben Yehuda Street

The disaster on Ben-Yehuda Street intensified the crisis in Jewish-British relations. The recurring question was: What, precisely, is the British stand? Although they apparently continued to manage the affairs of the country, their behavior was full of contradictions. Even the High Commissioner himself, during the final months of this term of office, complained that he was unable to maintain control without a clear policy from London. He therefore continued to go about his daily routine. In January 1948, he participated in a ceremonial bestowal of medals of honor. This strange event took place during those most troubled days: only a short distance away, the Arabs and Jews were killing each other, as His Majesty's forces observed the events from a standpoint of neutrality.

The Jews complained that neutrality always worked against them. Until May 15, 1948, the Royal Air Force was still pursuing the dilapidated ships, laden with Jewish refugees, struggling towards the homeland. But while they maintained the embargo upon the shores of Palestine, the British left some holes in the land borders. While hunting down "illegal" refugees and deporting them to internment camps in Cyprus, they tolerated the infiltration into Palestine of Arab volunteers and mercenaries.

On January 8, 1948, an "Army of Liberation" arrived in Palestine, organized by the Arab League and led by the hero of the 1936 Arab Revolt, Fawzi al-Kaukji. The forces of Kaukji and Abd al-Kader did not hide in the hills: they even invited reporters and photographrs to observe their maneuvers. The Arab forces and their modern equipment made a great impression. Several reporters predicted that once the British leave, the Arabs would succeed in destroying the Jews. Britain published mild protests over the infiltration of a foreign army into Palestine, yet took no practical action to remove it from the area, as she did not wish to spoil her relations with the Arabs.

The worsening of the political situation far the Jews was accompanied by news of Arab victories in Palestine. On March 1, 1948, it was announced that the Arabs had succeeded in planting a booby-trapped car at the Jewish Agency building in Jerusalem. the most well-guarded spot in all of Jewish Jerusalem. The saboteurs succeeded in destroying the Keren Hayesod wing of the building, leaving 13 killed and 70 wounded in the disaster.

Rahel Maccabi-Mosseri (Jerusalem):

Jewish Agency Bombing

`I went to the first room, the closest to the National Council. The door was torn off as a result of the blast and you could go right through. In one glance, I saw there was someone there, lying on the floor. I realized that it was Leib Yaffe ... and there were wounded, but our job was to go to the Political Department. On the way. I heard shouts and groans: there was a young man, Kahana; the wall had fallen on him. 1 helped him get out and move and continued on my way. walking over much broken glass. Papers were flying everywhere. I met Haim Herzog, carrying his wife in his arms. She had fainted and was very pale, and bleeding. He went to get first aid... These are things you only feel afterwards. At the time. I was very cold about it all; I can't explain it, there were no reactions, no feelings -- it was something totally surrealistic. This building. which was so well-organized and well-kept, so polished, had become utter chaos -- a frenzy of files and blood and glass. But at first I couldn't react. Only afterwards, when you think about it, when you recall the minor details - then comes the shock. But we knew that we would surely have to undergo much more..."

Questions:

1. What was the British attitude toward illegal immigration during the interim period?

2. What was their attitude toward infiltrating Arab volunteers and mercenaries?

3. In your opinion, what effect did the terrorist bombings have on the Jews of Palestine?

 

Reading # 7

The Arab "irregular army" attacks and the terrorist bombings gave an opportunity for those in the American government who were opposed to partition and supported the Arabs an opportunity to renew their efforts to change President Truman's support of partition. The following reflects some of the events of that period.

Excerpt from Pillar of Fire, by Yigal Lossin

The cumulative impression in the world was that the Arabs were attacking and the Jews could not control the situation. "George Marshall is disappointed with the Hagana's strength," reported Moshe Shertok from the United States."He thought we would hit the Arabs hard and frighten them."

George Marshall U.S. Secretary of State, expressed the opinion that partition. which the United States had supported on November 29, was a mistake. President Truman greatly appreciated his Secretary of State, the man who had been Chief-of-Staff during World War II. At this stage, the pro-Arab circles renewed their pressure on the President to prevent the establishment of a Jewish state.

Leading this campaign was the Secretary of Defense, James Forrestal.

CLARK CLIFFORD (Advisor to President Truman):"I remember one time talking to James Forrestal who was Secretary of Defense and he said. "Clark, you just don't understand this. It's a question of arithmetic.' I said: `What do you mean?' He said: 'Well, there are 45.000,000 Arabs and 350,000 Jews and the 45,000,000 Arabs are going to push the 350,000 Jews right into the ocean. `So,' he said, `that's all there is to it.' I didn't think so and President Truman didn't think it was so."

However, the President remained secluded within the White House and Jewish leaders who sought to meet with him were turned down.

HARRY S. TRUMAN (President of the United States): "1 gave orders that nobody, nobody was to come to see me about the Palestine affair. Dr. Chaim Weizmann had been trying to get in all along and I wouldn't let him in."

The man summoned to save the situation was a haberdasher from Kansas City, Missouri.

HARRY S. TRUMAN: "This man with whom I was in business was Eddie Jacobson, one of the finest men I ever had anything to do with. And he and I completely understood each other and we offset each other.

ABBA EBAN:"We took this man to Weizmann and his head spun with awe and respect. We explained to him: `You have to say only one thing to the President: See Weizmann!' Then Eddie said: `Yes, I'll explain this and that to him...' We told him. "`Eddie, don't get involved in arguments!... Concentrate on one thing: There is an old man. a great man, who has devoted his entire life to this dream. And fairness demands that you listen to him!'"

HARRY S. TRUMAN:"He came in and stood around, didn't say very much. Was as quiet as he could be. And I finally said: `Eddie, what in the world's the matter with you? Have you at last come to get something? Cause you never have asked me for anything since I've been in the White House and since we've been friends.' And then he told me that he thought I ought not to keep Dr. Weizmann out of the White House. He thought I ought to see him. And I told him that I would see the Doctor, but he'd have to bring him in the side door. I didn't want any propaganda started on the thing."

The day after the meeting between Truman and Weizmann, Security Council sessions were resumed.

WARREN AUSTIN (United States Representative to the UN): "There seems to be general agreement that the plan cannot now be implemented by peaceful means. We believe that further steps must be taken immediately not only to maintain the peace but also to afford a further opportunity to reach an agreement..."

"To this end, we believe that a temporary trusteeship (or Palestine should be established under the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations. In our opinion, the Security Council should recommend the establishment of such a trusteeship to the General Assembly and to the Mandatory powers."

CLARK CLIFFORD (Advisor to President Truman): "The speech that Ambassador Austin made at the UN came as a great surprise to President Truman. I recall the circumstances. He called me very early at home, maybe it was 6:00 a.m., the morning after Austin delivered the speech and he said: `Have you seen the morning paper? ' And I said `No.' I was still in bed. He said: `Get down right away because something's gone very wrong.' So I was there maybe within a half hour and the story told in the paper about Austin having delivered his speech at the UN the day before in which he stated that the United States supported a trusteeship for the Jewish state rather than partition. That was exactly contrary to the President's position and he said that he did not know how this could happen. And he said: `I don't know what Chaim Weizmann will think of me, because,' he said. `I saw him the day before yesterday and told him that we will continue to support partition. And he must think that I'm an awful liar.'"

Questions:

1. Why did many American government officials support the Arabs?

2. What new position did the American UN delegation take at the Security Council?

3. What would a temporary trusteeship mean to the Jews of Palestine? To the refugees?

Reading #8

Jerusalem is built on seven hills. One of them, Mount Scopus, was a Jewish island in a sea of Arabs. In 1948, Hadassah Hospital and the main campus of Hebrew University were located there. This is an account of a convoy attempting to resupply the hospital.

The Hadassah Hospital Convoy

The Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus stood on one of the high points overlooking Jerusalem and the roads from Jordan. On April 14th, 1948, the Hospital staff looked forward to some rest and re-supply from a convoy which would bring much needed medical personnel and equipment.

"All clear ahead," yelled the British police officer, and at 8:33 a.m. the convoy started, led by an armored escort car, followed by two ambulances, two buses, three trucks with supplies, and the rear escort car - all together 105 people. As it passed the large mosque in the middle of Sheikh Jarrah, everyone sighed with relief. Shortly after passing a British army post, the first ambulance was suddenly shaken by an explosion. An electrically detonated mine had exploded under the lead escort car. Zachariah, the Yemenite ambulance driver, fearing a trap, tried to pass the armored car, but got his rear tire stuck in a ditch. The bullets resounded against the steel sides of the vehicles. It was an ambush.

The second ambulance braked sharply. The driver, Zvi Gershuni, tried to turn around, and was shot in the face. Joseph Cohen, a second driver, took the wheel and managed to manuever the ambulance back towards town, thus saving the ambulance and passengers. The two buses and trucks were unable to turn. The first bus tried to advance but went into the same ditch as the first ambulance. The second bus, seeing this, tried to pass on the other side, and got caught in the ditch on the other side of the road.

Benjamin Edelman, who was driving the second truck, managed to peer through the metal plates (a screw had come out, leaving a tiny hold). On deflated tires, he was able to turn his truck and head back to town. Interestingly, the only bullet which came close to hitting him seemed to come from the direction of the British fort, as he passed.

The Arabs believed that the convoy contained Haganah men. But when return fire came only from the front and last armored escort cars, Mohammed Abdel Najar knew that there were only civilians in the vehicles - a situation ripe for exploitation, if only the British would stay out of it. And they did. The only four armored cars left to the Haganah tried to break through, but were turned away by Arab fire.

Antonius House was only 200 yards away. Dr. Yehuda Matot, who had served as a British officer in WW II, jumped out of the remaining ambulance and tried crawling towards Antonius House. He was shot in the back. He lay still for a minute, then inch by inch, he advanced. He heard vague voices and looking in front of him, saw two British soldiers standing inside the entrance of the House, urging him on, but not stepping out to help. (The Arabs would not have shot at the British, not wanting to "escalate" the battle.) The last thing Matot heard as he continued crawling, was "Blimey, he's made it." (By 1:00 p.m. two British armored convoys had already passed on the upper Mt. Scopus road, and did not stop. As General McMillan, in one convoy said, "Why risk British lives?"

As the day progressed, local Arabs joined in the fight. At 2:00 there was a pounding on the remaining ambulance. "They've set fire to the buses." The ambulance was so insulated that they had not heard the two explosions as molotov cocktails had hit the buses. All inside the buses had died in the fire, except for a few who had tried to get away, and were killed in a hail of bullets.

The driver of the ambulance decided to hold up a white handkerchief and try to save his passengers. As he stepped out of the ambulance, he was shot dead.

Brigadier Jones arrived at the scene a few minutes later, eight hours after receiving reports of the attack. It had taken him all this time to gather a force, or so he said. The Arabs made a hasty retreat.

Within minutes - it was now 4:30 p.m. - the remaining passengers had been taken to Antonius House, and later to town. There were 28 survivors; 76 had been murdered, including 3 doctors, and the rest nurses, students and staff workers of Hadassah Hospital and the university. A pharmacist had been carried off by the Arabs, and was never found.

Questions:

1. Why didn't the British try to stop the ambush? How do you feel about that?

2. Is the statement, "All's fair in love and war" applicable here? Why or why not?

Reading # 9

In 1948, Haifa, the main seaport of Palestine, was a mixed Arab and Jewish City. When the battle for the city was over, the Arab residents fled the city despite the pleas of the Jews for them to remain. The following describes that battle and the its aftermath.

Eyewitnesses to Jewish History by Eisenberg, Goodman, & Kass

The situation in Haifa was particularly difficult. The two entrances to the city - the eastern and the western - were both in the heart of Arab sections. In addition, it was impossible to win control of important tactical objectives because of the constant interference by the third side, the "neutral" side [the British].

Meanwhile, the Arabs were increasing their power.... We saw a stream of volunteers from the villages who arrived to join the Arab force which was growing in the city. Their snipers would shoot along the streets of Hadar Hacarmel; they hit traffic, they smuggled mines into the Arab district, sometimes with the cooperation of the British army.

We had the advantage topographically; the houses of Hadar Hacarmel had full control over the streets of the lower city.... The British - in their zeal to preserve "neutrality" - stood on the front lines and shot in both directions. From time to time they searched the convoys and our positions and confiscated our few defense weapons. We always had to take the British into account on the eve of any operation.

The British announced that they were withdrawing into a defense perimeter on Thursday morning, the 21st of April, 1948. The Haganah immediately seized those buildings which were vacated by the British in the Jewish zone. The Arabs began raining fire on the transportation routes from the lower city to Hadar Hacarmel.

We decided to act immediately; to open the way for Jewish traffic to the port, and from the new commercial center to Hadar Hacarmel. We opened with a bombardment with everything we had. This was the first time that the "Davidkas" were used; these were heavy mortars which can shoot shells up to 40 kg.

The attack began with four columns: three spread through the lower city and the fourth - from the commercial center toward Hadar Hacarmel. The first column which set out from Neve Shaanan conquered the entire Arab quarter of Halisa and cleaned it out....

Shortly before noon all our forces joined together.... Our objective had been achieved. The Arab city had been split into three parts - roadblocks had been erected at Yagur and Bat Galim to stop any aid coming from the Arabs in the environs. The Arab Legion, which attempted to enter from the east, met up with our roadblocks and withdrew with losses.

In the early morning hours a message was transmitted from General Stockwell to a Jewish attorney who was in constant contact with the British that the Arabs were requesting terms of surrender. The following terms were transmitted to General Stockwell:

(a) Arab forces will surrender to Haganah and deliver all weapons, ammunition, explosives or other instruments of war, such as autos and armored cars.

(b) All foreign soldiers, including German, English, Yugoslav or other commanders, found in the city will be delivered to Haganah and imprisoned.

(c) Rule of the city will be completely in the hands of the Haganah. All inhabitants will obey its orders and enjoy its protection.

(d) All inhabitants of the city, Arabs and Jews, will be subject to the same obligations and enjoy the same privileges.

(e) An immediate curfew will be proclaimed in all Arab neighborhoods. All people will remain in their homes. Whoever has any weapon must bring it to designated collection centers.

(f) All strangers will assemble in designated areas.

(g) Anyone who demonstrates armed opposition or who will be found with weapons, is subject to shooting.

After his meeting with the Arab representatives, the British general invited us to his staff quarters on the Carmel. This was the first official meeting of the representatives of Haifa attended by a representative of the Haganah. The general told us that in his opinion the terms were proper and demanded of us an immediate ceasefire. We rejected his suggestion because of lack of faith in the sincerity of the words of the Arab representatives.

We agreed to meet them at eleven o'clock in the Town Hall.... The Arab notables appeared at the meeting. The representative of the Arab armed forces did not appear. When we demanded to speak with the commander of the Arab forces the general remarked that the commander had fled the night before, as soon as the announcement of the withdrawal had been made, with the excuse that he was going to bring reinforcements. The negotiations continued. We were not able to agree to the demand of the general that all weapons confiscated from the Arabs be transferred permanently to the British. Finally, he agreed to deliver the weapons to us when the last British soldiers would leave the country (and, indeed, he kept his word and delivered to us about 300 rifles).

The Arab representatives requested time to consult. They left the hall and returned an hour and a half later, after a conversation which they had with the Mufti in Beirut. They announced that they would not accept the terms and that they were leaving the city. Despite the persuasion of the Jewish mayor and of the British general they persisted.

During that day and night about 40,000 Arabs left, carrying their meager belongings. Some left by small boats to Acre. Only 3,000 remained out of an Arab population that originally numbered 70,000.

Questions:

1. What was the British position concerning the final status of Haifa? How did it compare with their position in other areas?

2. Do you think the Arabs made the right decision to flee Haifa? Why? What would you do in their situation?